User:MJL/Traditionalist Communion

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MJL/Traditionalist Communion

Traditionalistic communion was one of the names used by the Carlist movement as a political force since 1869, along with others including Partido Tradicionalista, Comunión Católico-Monárquica (usual during the Sexenio Democrático), Partido Carlista (until 1909), Partido Jaimista (between 1909 and 1931) or Comunión Legitimista– among others– that were in disuse in the 1930s.[1][2][3][4] Since then, also it knew in occasions like Comunión Tradicionalista Carlista, denomination given by Alfonso Carlos, Duke of San Jaime.[5]

Some scholars use the expression "Traditionalistic Communion" to reference the party that arose to beginnings of the decade of 1930 as a result of the fusion of the three branches of the traditionalism: jaimista, mellista and integrista, although the name had employed already of usual way to define to the carlismo from the last third of the 19th century, when it establishes like parliamentary strength, being used also during the Restoration, and the almost exclusive name of the organisation of the carlismo during the Second Republic and the Franco regime until the 1970s, when it produces the ideological change of a sector of the movement.[6][7][8][9][1][2][3][10][11][12]

From the 19th century the traditionalism defended what considered the political tradition of Spain sintetizada in his lemma: «God, Homeland, Rey».[13] It obtained parliamentary representation in almost all the electoral announcements of finals of the 19th century and principles of the 20th century and was one of the strengths that starred the Spanish coup of July 1936, acting afterwards in situation of semiclandestinidad during the Franco regime, with periods of opposition and collaboration with the diet.

With the name of "Traditionalistic Communion" was reconstituida in the decade of 1970 the organisation carlista adherent of the prince Sixto Enrique of Borbón and of the classical ideology of the carlismo, and was legalised like political party in 1977, although other political groupings would declare also heiresses of the historical organisation of the Carlists.[14]

Concept of communion[change | change source]

In the 19th century was of common use in Spanish the word «communion» to define to a party of political nature.[15] In this sense of the term, already in 1844 did reference to the carlismo like «a communion no less numerous that respectable» that had been excluded of the breast of the nation, as it could read in the first lines of the prospectus of The Hope, the first newspaper carlista that existed in Madrid.[16] His director, Pedro of the Sickle, would allude in occasions to the carlismo like «communion carlista», «monarchic communion» or even «the Catholic Spain».[17][18][19]

Before the Revolution of 1868, carlistas and nocedalistas would employ already the names of «monarchic Communion-religious» and «Catholic Communion-Monarchic».[20][21][22] And after the fall of Elizabeth II, both would join in a same party that would carry this last name, although it would know also like «party carlista».[23]

The back preferential use between the carlistas of the term «communion» in place of the of «party», could have because of the rejection of the parliamentary system of political parties. The carlista José María Codón, for example, posited in 1961 that the Traditionalistic Communion had not been never a party, but a «antipartido, the germ of the structure of the society without parties».[24]

From at least the Sexenio Revolutionary affirmed in repeated occasions from the Catholic press-monarchic that the carlismo was not properly a party. For example, in the columns of The Hope said in 1871 that the carlistas formed «a political collectivity á which does not correspond the name of party» and in the ones of The Spanish Thought affirmed by these same dates that «being national our principles, do not form the carlistas properly a party».[25][26] Likewise, in the Third War Carlista the general in boss carlista of Catalonia, Rafael Tristany, alluded in one proclaims to the carlismo like «our big comunion national, eternal symbol and personificacion perpétua of the loyal and true Spanish village» and to the carlistas like «the defenders of the institutions, whose vulgar group and malamente describes as split».[27]

During the diet of the Restoration the carlistas reiterated with frequency his opposition to the parties, and even in occasions to that spoke of the carlismo like such. In an article of 1905 titled «The parcialidades, the parties and the Communion carlista», Aeneas even affirmed in the newspaper El Correo Spanish (organ of press of the carlismo):

 

Calcúlese, pues, si no será contrasentido mayúsculo é impropiedad extraordinaria bautizar con el mote de partido á la España antigua, á una comunión de hombres, á un ejército de soldados que llevan por lema la destrucción de los partidos, la condenación, no solamente de los partidos, sino hasta del principio en que los partidos se fundan.

Los partidos son el mal —decimos los carlistas,— y por eso tenemos que protestar contra ese nombre. —Nuestra bandera es la de España —añadimos,— y dentro de España, no solamente cabe, sino que se impone como necesaria la unión de todos los católicos, de todos los hombres de bien, de todos los patriotas [...]

Creo que he demostrado que los carlistas ni somos ni queremos ser partido, y que la palabraja partido es un mote que sienta bien á los liberales, pero que lleva dentro de sí algo antagónico, algo repugnante al modo de ser, á la fe, á la caridad, al corazón de los católicos.[28]

In this same line, in 1923, the exgerente of El Correo Spanish Gustavo Sánchez Márquez affirmed:

 

Precisamente los tradicionalistas, a la par que abominábamos de la división del país en partidos, nos hemos preciado siempre de ser los únicos españoles que no constituíamos partido: representantes de la vieja España, vivíamos agrupados al amparo de nuestras creencias como «Comunión tradicionalista».[29]

Equally, Luis Hernando of Larramendi, general secretary of the beau Don Jaime, proclaimed in 1919 that «The Spanish traditionalism has not been never, by his nature originaria, a party», but added that «with repugnancia, in front of the strength irremediable of the circumstances, beside the existence of so many, been born of the diet of opinion imperante, has come, in some way, to resignarse being it».[30] In fact, until the decade of 1930 the expressions «split carlista», «traditionalistic party» and «party jaimista» were common, even between the own carlistas.[31] During the Second Republic, the boss delegated carlista, Manuel Fal Conde, would put even greater obstinacy in affirming that the traditionalistic organisation that directed was «a Communion and no a party».[32]

History[change | change source]

Sexenio Revolutionary[change | change source]

Carlos María of Borbón, known between his adherents like Carlos VII.

The movement carlista did not take letter of nature like political party until the Revolution of 1868, since until then the carlistas had preferred the bellicose procedures, leaving the defence of his interests in the parliamentary politics during the reign of Elizabeth II to the called neocatólicos, although these did not pose a dynastic conflict.

Thus, the direction of the party carlista remained supeditada to the needs of the military organisation. After John III yielded his dynastic rights to his son, Carlos VII, east foresaw that it would produce a new war, by what created the Regal Commissariats of Regions and Provinces, under the control unified of Ramón Cabrera, general captain of the Real Armies carlistas, that resided in London and was very known in Spain by his performance be a member of the First War Carlista. Cabrera tried to initiate the legal political activity of the party and, encouraged by the result of the elections for Cut them Constituents of 1869, had to organise the electoral campaign in the first partial elections but, by fault of organisation, the carlistas suffered a strong reverse.

Carlistas During the Third War Carlista.

Ramón Cabrera considered that it was difficult to direct the party from the foreigner in his legal life, so that it was born the Catholic Central Board-Monarchic, that had a lot of importance in that period. The differences with regard to Carlos VII did that Cabrera presented his resignation, that was him accepted after being refused by the applicant to the throne his project of parliamentary constitution.

In the elections of 1871, the carlistas happened of 20 to 51 seats, thanks to the activity and propaganda of the Central Board chaired by Francisco Javier Fernández of Henestrosa and Santisteban, marquis of Villadarias. In order of Don Carlos, had to exert provisionally the leadership of this minority carlista in Courts Matías of Vall, for being the representative carlista of greater age.[33] However, according to the newspaper The Correspondence, the Catholic deputies-monarchic agreed immediately unanimously designate like his boss to Cándido Nocedal, whereas the senators chose to head to them Gabino Roof. The beau took part then having that the earl of Orgaz went the common boss of the minorities of the Congress and the Senate.[33] According to Melchor Ferrer, Nocedal made a skillful work in the Congress in defence of the interests of the Church and did a parliamentary proposition inviting to Amadeo of Saboya to go of Spain.[33][34]

In January of 1872 Don Carlos appointed to Nocedal president of the Catholic Central Board-Monarchic in replacement of the marquis of Villadarias, thanks to the mediation of Emilio of Arjona, secretary of the beau.[35] This motivated that Antonio Aparisi and Pebble separated of the active political life, dying shortly after, and generated discontents and divisions between the carlistas that would have repercussions 9 years afterwards, with reason of the creation of the Catholic Union of Pidal.[36]

Thanks to the zeal of the Board and of the secretary of the Electoral Section, the dramatist Manuel Tamayo and Baus, the carlistas obtained some good results of the elections of 1872, although something less favourable. But although the Central Board occupied of the political organisation and of the electoral plans, also participated in the preparativos bellicose of the insurrection that gave place to the Third War Carlista, with which the carlistas had loomed from the election of Amadeo of Saboya.

Restoration alfonsina[change | change source]

Cándido Nocedal, portrait to the etching of Bartolomé Maura and Montaner, National Library of Spain.

Finished the war in 1876 with military defeat for the carlistas and one of his main leaders, Ramón Cabrera abandoning the cause carlista and having recognised like king to Alfonso XII the previous year, Don Carlos treated to recover from the exile the morals of his strengths. For this, appointed his General Delegate in Spain to Cándido Nocedal, exministro of Government of Elizabeth II and ancient boss of the minority carlista in 1871. The work of Nocedal consisted in reorganising the party and preserve his political doctrine in front of the advances of the catolicismo liberal and the Catholic Union of Alejandro Pidal and Mon, whose leaders tempted to the masses carlistas, when treating of pertinent men of the carlismo to which had followed and admired.[37]

Later it reappeared the press carlista, being some of his more durable newspapers The Future Century, founded by Ramón Nocedal[39] (later escindido) and El Correo Catalan, by Manuel Milá of the Rock. In the second elections of the Restoration, in 1879, Ramón Altarriba and Villanueva, baron of Sangarren, will represent to the traditional district carlista of Azpeitia.[37]

«To Cándido died, Cándido put», in The Spider, 1 August 1885, caricature in which it does reference to how after the death of Cándido Nocedal happened to exert Don Carlos the political direction of the training.[38]

After the death of Cándido Nocedal, Don Carlos decided to assume personally the direction of the Traditionalistic Communion and designated like his representative to the journalist and novelist Francisco Navarro Villoslada. In this stage developed a lot the traditionalistic press and produced the internal clash with the integristas.[37] The conflict #finish with the unit of the Communion, that would #finish reflecting in 1888 in «The Thought of the Duke of Madrid», by Luis María of Llauder, by part of the loyal to Don Carlos, and in the «Self-evident « of Boroughs», by part of the integristas, led by Ramón Nocedal.[39][40]

Francisco Navarro Villoslada

Don Carlos endowed to the party of a new organisation more decentralised and also more military, by the character of the delegates. Between 1887 and 1890, it divided in four zones the leadership of the carlismo in Spain. The first that corresponded to the region de León, Asturias and Galicia, had by Delegate to León Martínez of Fortún, earl of Saint León and marshal of Field. The second region, corresponding to Andalucia and Extremadura, was trusted to Juan María Maestre, general of artillery. The third had by delegate to Francisco Cavero and Álvarez of Toledo, marquis of Lácar, and comprised the ancient Crown of Aragon (Catalonia, Valencia, Balearic and Aragon), Murcia and Castilla the New. The last zone, that comprised Castilla the Old, the Provinces Vascongadas and Navarra was assigned to the general lieutenant Juan Nepomuceno of Orbe and Mariaca, marquis of Valde-Spine.[37]

This division in four zones lasted until 1890, when Carlos VII had that the four delegations gathered in an alone person, Enrique of Aguilera and Gamboa, marquis of Cerralbo, that attained cicatrizar the open wounds by the escisión integrista and organised the participation in the general elections of 1891 (the first that celebrated with masculine universal suffrage) achieving a parliamentary minority that was not equalised until 1907.[46] it Visited Spain doing propaganda and knew to give a good organisation to the movement. As a result of the loss of Cuba and Philippines in 1898, produced attempts of armed lifting that fracasaron because of the defección of the general Weyler, and in 1899 the marquis of Cerralbo had to resign and expatriarse.[37][41]

Matías Neighbourhood and Mier

Don Carlos designated then like delegate to Matías Neighbourhood and Mier, chair of the Central University and deputy by Cervera of Pisuerga. Initiated his management of delegate, in October of 1900 produced the round to the barracks of the Civil Guard of Badalona by the game carlista capitaneada by José Torrens[49] and José Grandia raised in Gironella another important game with workers of the factories of the zone, keeping during half month in the mountains of Berga, action that was defended by the deputy Víctor Meadow in the Courts.[42] Neighbourhood preferred the political touch and attained the reconciliation of the marquis of Cerralbo and Juan Vázquez of Mella with Don Carlos, that materialised in the candidature of Vázquez of Mella by Barcelona, and a movement of renaissance of the Traditionalistic Communion that culminated in the general elections of 1907.

From then they began the aplecs carlistas, that movilizaron big masses, and many new titles of traditionalistic press that propagated the doctrine of the movement. Also it began to have good relations between the leader of the Party Integrista, Ramón Nocedal, and Vázquez of Mella, disappearing the clash between the two traditionalistic trainings.

Carlos VII died on 18 July 1909, happening his son Don Jaime to assume the leadership of the movement. This same year had died also the delegated Neighbourhood and Mier, that was substituted by the deputy navarro Bartolomé Feliu, to the one who Don Jaime kept in the charge.

It accelerated even more the revitalisation of the carlismo (known from then like jaimismo) initiated in the previous period. In 1910 Joaquín Llorens and Fernández of Córdoba was appointed boss of the Requeté, an organisation paramilitar carlista created three years before like juvenile organisation of the movement.[43]

Enrique of Aguilera and Gamboa, marquis of Cerralbo

In 1913 it established a new organisation for the leadership of the Traditionalistic Communion, creating the National Board, of which was designated president the marquis of Cerralbo, that had to act during the period of the First World War. The differences between the National Board (germanófila) and Jaime III (aliadófilo), went the cause of the new schism of Vázquez of Mella. In 1919 the Aragonese Pascual Comín and Moya was appointed representative of Don Jaime with the title of secretary.[43]

Although the prestige of Comín allowed that the party no desmoronara completely and that strong cores kept faithful, kept his charge by little time. Don Jaime needed to somebody of lower age for the arduous work of reorganisation, so that in 1919 was designated general secretary Luis Hernando of Larramendi, lawyer, writer and orator that had stood out in the Traditionalistic Youth of Madrid.[43]

Hernando of Larramendi began to reorganise the movement with big difficulties, since between the same loyal to Don Jaime there were clashes. In the Board of Biarritz, could present the structure reconstituida of the Traditionalistic Communion and his activity allowed him gather to elements disgregados, although the party no longer had the strength of the previous years. The parliamentary minorities jaimistas remained reduced to some deputies and senators. When finalising the direction of Hernando of Larramendi in 1922, the movement had diminished his volume, but had some full youths of enthusiasm, particularly in the regions where the escisión mellista had done less estragos, Catalonia and Navarra.[43]

Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera and Second Republic[change | change source]

José Selva Mergelina, marquis of Villores

José Selva and Mergelina, marquis of Villores, new secretary of Don Jaime in 1922, centralised the direction of the Communion from Valencia, where resided.[55] Thanks to his work attained to do renacer the movement in the Valencian Region, but the Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, together with the period prerrevolucionario that ended in the proclamation of the Second Republic in 1931, provided him new difficulties. Nevertheless, the big activity of the marquis of Villores allowed to reorganise the party in Guipúzcoa, Vizcaya and the Rioja and later chaired the reconciliation of mellistas, integristas and jaimistas, with all the nuances of the Traditionalism joined in an alone program, in an alone aspiration and under the leadership of Don Alfonso Carlos, successor of Don Jaime, that had died in 1931.[43]

The marquis of Villores died in 1932, when the campaigns of traditionalistic propaganda had extended the vitality of the Communion by all the regions of Spain.[57] The deputies of the traditionalistic parliamentary minority attained this year (elected in the constituents of the previous year) were Joaquín Beunza, the earl of Rodezno, José María Lamamié of Clairac, Julio of Urquijo, Ricardo Gómez Rojí, Francisco Estévanez Rodríguez, Marcelino Ear Elósegui and José Luis Oriol, an only comparable minority to the one of 1869.[44]

Before dying the marquis of Villores, had created a Supreme Board, that commissioned of the direction of the party to his death, under the presidency of the earl of Rodezno, that directed the movement with big effort of propaganda and activity.[44] The persecutions that the rulers of the biennium azañista undertook against the Traditionalism only encouraged the flame, and the traditionalistic propagandists visited Spain. In this period, the organisations, especially of Red Berets and Margaritas, flowered by doquier. The centre neurálgico followed being in Navarra and Basque Country, as well as in Catalonia. But the novelty was the incorporation of new territories as it is the case of Andalucia.[44]

On 24 June 1932, it constituted the Council of Culture of the Traditionalistic Communion. It was chaired by Víctor Meadow and had by advisers to notable figures of the traditionalism like José Rock and Ponsa, the earl of Rodezno, Luis Hernando of Larramendi, Esteban Bilbao, Manuel Senante, monseñor Pedro Lisbona, Fernando of Contreras, the earl of Spanish, Ricardo Gómez Rojí, Agustín González of Amezua, Miguel Junyent, Emilio Ruiz Muñoz, Eustaquio Echave Sustaeta, the marquis of Santa Cara, Marcial Solana, Jesús Comín and Sunday Tejera.[44]

The big traditionalistic revival produced to beginnings of 1933 materialised in the province of Castellón, for example, in the training of more than 40 local boards, 13 circles, 20 organisations of «Margaritas» and 3 of Requetés. In accordance with Antonio González Sobaco, the Traditionalistic Communion —that liked to present like «antipartido», by his opposition to the diet of liberal democracy— rebasaba the limits of a political party and had a distinct character because of the religious training that gave to his associated, the character paramilitar of the Requeté, the tension of his acts and his works of beneficencia.[45]

Tomás Domínguez Arévalo, earl of Rodezno

In the legislative elections of 1933 seated 21 traditionalistic deputies in the Courts, led by the earl of Rodezno.

When appearing new trainings of extreme right during the Second Republic, and particularly the fascism of the JONS and the Phalanx, the traditionalistic would affirm to be the only party antiliberal that had existed in Spain from did a century, and considered that the new parties antiliberales and anticomunistas inspired in good measure in his program. Example of this will be the words of Constancio in 1934:[46]  

Lo que tiene de español el programa del "Fascio", como los diecisiete puntos de la juventud de Acción Popular, como el programa de Renovación Española, ha sido tomado del programa tradicionalista. Lo que ocurre es que nosotros lo servimos entero y los demás a retazos.

On 3 May 1934 Alfonso Carlos appointed to Manuel Fal Conde, lawyer and fervent Catholic, regal secretary and general secretary of the Traditionalistic Communion, centralising the organisation in his team. This same year, Fal Conde organised the Act of the Quintillo, demonstration of strength of the carlismo Andalusian, in front of the denostada Republic.[44] The traditionalistic newspapers, especially The Future Century, compared it then with the leader carlista navarro Tomás of Zumalacárregui.

Thanks to the work of Fal Conde, the carlismo Andalusian, without a big tradition until then, achieved an enormous peak, becoming known Andalucia like the "south Navarra", with four traditionalistic deputies elect by the region: Miguel Martínez of Pinillos Sáenz, Juan José Palomino Jiménez, Sunday Tejera of Quesada and the working Ginés Martínez Blond.[44]

In March of 1934 Antonio Lizarza, in representation of the Traditionalistic Communion, the general lieutenant Barrier, by the Spanish Military Union, and Antonio Goicoechea, by Spanish Renewal, travelled to Rome. After gathering with Benito Mussolini and explain him his plan to overthrow to the Republic, the fascist government provided them money and armament, agreeing besides the sending of youngsters requetés to Italy for his military training.[47]

Although said trip produced when it still was boss delegated of the Traditionalistic Communion the earl of Rodezno, this would not have been very adherent of an uprising. The sending of youngsters would intensify from the moment in that it began to direct the Communion Manuel Fal Conde, the one who had the military preparation of the requetés. In groups of 30, requetés of all Spain, and especially of Navarra, travelled secretamente to Italy, where would remain around a month. Some 500 of them would be instructed in the handle of the most advanced modern arms.[48]

In the elections of 1936 were chosen 15 traditionalistic deputies, but reduced to 9 after being cancelled several records. The victory of the Popular front and the back climate of social tension would accelerate the preparativos of the uprising against the Republic.

Conspiracy and Civil War[change | change source]

The Traditionalistic Communion participated actively in the preparation of the military uprising that would #finish with the Republic together with some elements of Spanish Renewal and the Phalanx. In a principle had to acaudillar the Movement the general Sanjurjo, that already had starred a intentona in 1932. In the spring of 1936 acted like representative of the general Sanjurjo (that it found exiled in Portugal), the general Varela, of traditionalistic charms. But because of the pressures of the police, was substituted by the general Mola, military governor of Pamplona.[49]

For Alfonso Carlos, supreme boss of the Traditionalistic Communion, the prince Javier of Borbón Parma interviewed in Lisbon with Sanjurjo, and according to the own carlistas, agreed with him that:  

Los Requetés cooperarían, desde el primer instante, al Movimiento, si lo iniciaba el Ejército; pero si éste no podía, los Requetés empezarían, siempre mandados por el general Sanjurjo, y para ello, el teniente coronel de E. M. Baselga formó el plan del alzamiento, constituido en principio por dos fuertes grupos de Requetés que aparecerían en la Sierra de Huelva y en la Sierra de Gata, en el sudoeste de España, sobre la frontera de Portugal, por razones obvias y fáciles de comprender.[49]

When attracting the strengths of the government, had to act immediately the requetés navarros and Basques, to the pair that the Catalans and Aragoneses, in a double movement on Madrid. Purportedly the general Sanjurjo was not adherent of the war of roads, but it pretended to give a decisive battle, so prompt had gathered the willing elements to second him. According to the magazine bonaerense The Requeté, although Sanjurjo did not inform of this, said battle probably had taken place by the north of Madrid.[49]

They had suited two passwords with the general Sanjurjo, one that had by half and had to command the general Mola, if the Army decided to initiate the Movement, and another that had Fal Conde, also by half with the general Sanjurjo, whose sending meant that the requetés began the Movement, to the that afterwards, by the prestige of the general Sanjurjo, supposed that the Army would fold .[50]

The murder of José Calvo Sotelo would precipitate the Upraising. After long and complicated negotiations with the general Mola, Fal Conde engaged the participation of the red berets in the lifting of the Army. The Requeté joined to the military pronouncement of 18 July 1936 together with the militias of Spanish Phalanx of the JONS, combating in the Civil War, integrating to more than 60.000 combatientes voluntary[70] delivered in 67 thirds of Requetés.[51]

Few days after initiated the Upraising, Alfonso Carlos manifested in letter to Fal Conde: «In moments like the current do not have to look the personal questions of parties, but treat to save all together the Religion and the Homeland», by what the voice of the Upraising had to be for the carlistas only «for God's sake and by Spain», above his dynastic interests.[44] Nevertheless, the carlistas that had participated in the conspiracy trusted that Sanjurjo would reestablish in Spain a traditional monarchy, as it was son of a captain carlista died at the head of his squadron in the Third war carlista, and nephew of the general Joaquín Sacanell, that was Secretary of Carlos VII in Venecia. The own José Sanjurjo would have manifested besides that wanted always command requetés.[50] However, the accidental death of Sanjurjo on 20 July, when it had to happen to Spain, would vary the course of the Movement.

Between the infuriated on 18 July, the general Barrier was the only general that had had activity contrarrevolucionaria from the year 1932, but finally contented with the presidency of the High court of War and Marina, and the general Franco, of greater prestige that Mola, would #finish imposing at the head of the infuriated.[48]

After the death of Alfonso Carlos on 29 September 1936, the first disposal of the regente Javier was the confirmation of the Together Delegate in the person of Fal Conde, and kept the same organisation of the Commissioners of War in place of Regional Bosses.[44]

The Traditionalistic Communion disappeared formally in 1937 like consequence of the Decree of Unification that melted the Phalanx and Traditionalistic Communion in an only party designated Traditionalistic Spanish Phalanx of the JONS, later known like National Movement. Nevertheless, a part of the traditionalistic, headed by Fal Conde, did not accept the decree, and the called javieristas continued acting and employing the denomination of Traditionalistic Communion in semiclandestinidad during the Franco regime.

Division of the Traditionalistic Communion[change | change source]

Had to so much to the Decree of Unification as to the extinction of the dynasty carlista by road agnada, produced diverse fractures in the traditionalism. The traditionalistic adherents of Carlos Pío of Habsburgo-Borbón (carlooctavistas), of Juan of Borbón and Battenberg (juanistas) and of the called National Regency and Carlista of Estella of Mauritius of Sivatte (sivattistas), would separate of the loyal grouping to Javier of Borbón Parma, the one who in 1936 had been appointed successor of Alfonso Carlos like regente until it elucidated the question sucesoria.

It had to suceder to Alfonso Carlos the prince that had more right to the crown of Spain and that assumed at the same time the political principles of the traditionalism to be able to be considered legitimate king «of origin and of exercise». Encouraged by his adherents, in 1952, with occasion of the XXXV Congress Eucarístico International in Barcelona, Don Javier would demand finally for himself the rights to the crown, although later it would show ambiguous with regard to said claim.[52]

The javieristas, directed by Manuel Fal Conde, kept during two decades his opposition to the Decree of Unification and a strong intransigencia political and religious, becoming described by the general Franco, in statements to the newspaper Up in 1955, like «a diminuto group of integristas followers of a foreign prince, separated from the first hour of the Movement».[52]

In front of the approach of Franco to Don Juan and in the middle of a climate of division in the traditionalistic field,[75] in 1955 Fal Conde ceased like Boss delegated of the Traditionalistic Communion, and in January of 1956 Don Javier appointed a National Secretariat composed by Juan Sáenz-Díez, José María Arauz of Oaks and Ignacio Hernando of Larramendi, under the presidency of José María Valiente,[76] that in October of 1960 would be elevated to Boss delegated.[77] The program of the politics of collaboration would treat, in the first place, to achieve the internal unit of the Communion and offer an ideological structure supported in a mass of opinion that, above all personal links, guaranteeed the historical continuity of «the principles of 18 July».[52]

Although the javieristas collected for himself the name of «Traditionalistic Communion», juanistas, carlooctavistas and sivattistas also declared heirs of the historical Traditionalistic Communion. According to Antonio María of Oriol (one of the few traditionalistic ministers that had Franco), the Traditionalistic Communion formed it no only the javieristas, but all those that received communion with the ideals of the traditionalism.[52]

In 1975 the traditionalistic followers of Sixto Enrique of Borbón and adherents of the classical ideology of the carlismo, that did not accept the changes of the Party Carlista established in 1970 neither recognised the legitimacy of exercise of Carlos Hugo of Borbón (in the one who Javier had abdicated in 1975), constituted again an organisation with the name of Traditionalistic Communion, that affirmed to be continuadora of the historical Traditionalistic Communion.

See also[change | change source]

  • Carlismo
  • Carlismo Electoral (Restoration)

References[change | change source]

  1. ↑ 1.0 1.1 Tuñón de Lara, Manuel (1985). La guerra civil española. Labor. p. 461. ISBN 9788433594006.
  2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 Egaña, Iñaki (1996). Diccionario histórico-político de Euskal Herria. Txalaparta. p. 130.
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 Galera Sánchez, Matilde (1983). Juan Valera, político: epistolario inédito a don Francisco Moreno Ruiz e intervenciones parlamentarias desconocidas. Erein. p. 188.
  4. ↑ Véase también menciones en la prensa de la época en la Hemeroteca Digital de la Biblioteca Digital Hispánica, en la prensa histórica del MCU y en los libros impresos digitalizados por Google Libros
  5. ↑ Historia política de las dos Españas, Volumen 3. Editora Nacional. 1975. p. 1387. {{cite book}}: |first= missing |last= (help)
  6. ↑ López Villaverde, Ángel Luis (1997). Cuenca durante la II República: elecciones, partidos y vida política, 1931-1936. Universidad de Castilla La Mancha. ISBN 9788487319198.
  7. ↑ Fusi, Juan Pablo (2010). La patria lejana. Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial España. ISBN 9788430615841.
  8. ↑ Viñas, Ángel; Calleja, Eduardo González; Sánchez, Fernando Hernández; Ledesma, José Luis; Sánchez, Julio Aróstegui; Suñer, Hilari Raguer; Pérez, Francisco Sánchez; Villa, Fernando Puell de la; Seixas, Xosé M. Núñez (12 de marzo de 2013). Los mitos del 18 de julio. Grupo Planeta Spain. ISBN 9788498925432. Retrieved 23 de julio de 2015. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |access-date= and |date= (help)
  9. ↑ Gil Pecharromán, Julio (1994). Conservadores Subversivos: La Derecha Autoritaria Alfonsina (1913-1936). Eudema. p. 101. ISBN 9788477541578. con el que la nueva dirección buscaba evitar una peligrosa fuga de fundamentalistas hacia la naciente Comunión Tradicionalista
  10. ↑ Barandiarán, José Miguel (1977). Cultura vasca, Volumen 1. Erein. p. 222.
  11. ↑ Revista de estudios políticos, Volúmenes 101-105. Instituto de Estudios Políticos. 1958. p. 48. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
  12. ↑ Gil Aristu, José Luis (1991). Historia social de España (1800-1990). NEREA. p. 141. ISBN 84-86763-47-9. Durante la Restauración, la Comunión Tradicionalista, como se denominaban a sí mismos los carlistas, ganó habitualmente las elecciones {{cite book}}: |first= missing |last= (help)
  13. ↑ Barreiro Gordillo, Cristina (2003). El carlismo y su red de prensa en la Segunda República. Actas. p. 346.
  14. ↑ Izu Belloso Gordillo, Miguel José (2007). Navarra como problema: nación y nacionalismo en Navarra. Actas. p. 342.
  15. ↑ Diccionario de la lengua castellana. Real Academia Española. 1899. p. 250.
  16. ↑ "Prospecto". La Esperanza. 10 de octubre de 1844. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  17. ↑ "Primera página". La Esperanza. 27 de marzo de 1849. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  18. ↑ "Tres escritos políticos de D. Pedro de la Hoz, publicados en 1844, y reimpresos y aumentados con notas". Abril de 1855: 133. {{cite journal}}: |first= missing |last= (help); Check date values in: |date= (help); Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  19. ↑ "Primera página". La Esperanza. 17 de enero de 1861. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  20. ↑ Orígenes y evolución de la derecha española: el neo-catolicismo. Editorial CSIC. 1986. p. 242. ISBN 84-00-06157-8. {{cite book}}: |first= missing |last= (help)
  21. ↑ Biografia de D. Pedro de la Hoz. Imprenta de "La Esperanza". 1866. p. 60. {{cite book}}: |first= missing |last= (help)
  22. ↑ Campo Muñoz, María Isabel (1997). Un Integrista Contra el Sistema: Pedro María Lagüera, 1817-1892. Ediciones de Historia. p. 82. ISBN 84-89341-01-X.
  23. ↑ Arbeloa Muru, Víctor Manuel (2009). Clericalismo y anticlericalismo en España (1767-1930): Una introducción. p. 236. ISBN 978-84-9920-011-8.
  24. ↑ Tradición y monarquía. Ediciones Montejurra. 1961. p. 191. {{cite book}}: |first= missing |last= (help)
  25. ↑ "La calumnia". La Esperanza: 2. 26 de septiembre de 1871. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  26. ↑ "Los carlistas en las Cortes". El Pensamiento Español: 2. 12 de abril de 1871. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  27. ↑ Tristany, Rafael (1 de diciembre de 1873). "Seccion oficial: Nobles y leales habitantes de Cataluña". El Estandarte Católico-Monárquico (1). {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  28. ↑ Template:Cita publicación
  29. ↑ Template:Cita publicación
  30. ↑ "Comentario social: El "Grupo de la Democracia Cristiana"". El Correo Español: 1. 10 de julio de 1919. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  31. ↑ "La conferencia de "Llaonet"". La Tradición. 20 de julio de 1918. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  32. ↑ "En Granada: El señor Fal Conde pronunció ayer un importante discurso fijando orientaciones y dando normas". El Siglo Futuro: 1. 25 de febrero de 1935. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  33. ↑ 33.0 33.1 Ferrer Dalmau 1958.
  34. ↑ "Con sorpresa hemos leido anoche en La Correspondencia las siguientes líneas". El Pensamiento Español: 2. 12 de abril de 1871. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  35. ↑ "Calendario legitimista: Hechos y personajes de la Tradición". El Cruzado Español: 4. 10 de enero de 1930. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  36. ↑ "Al Señor Don Ramón Nocedal". La Unión Católica: 2. 3 de diciembre de 1887. {{cite journal}}: |first= missing |last= (help); Check date values in: |date= (help)
  37. ↑ 37.0 37.1 37.2 37.3 37.4 Ferrer Dalmau 1959.
  38. ↑ Hibbs-Lissorgues 2009.
  39. ↑ "El Pensamiento del Duque de Madrid". La Fidelidad Castellana (1.489). Burgos. 20 de marzo de 1888. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  40. ↑ "Manifestación de la prensa tradicionalista - Dios, patria, rey". El Siglo Futuro (4.036). Madrid. 22 de agosto de 1888. ISSN 1130-8494. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  41. ↑ González Calleja, Eduardo (2013). La razón de la fuerza: orden público, subversión y violencia política en la España de la Restauración (1875-1917). Txalaparta. p. 191. ISBN 84-00-07778-4.
  42. ↑ González Calleja, Eduardo (2013). La razón de la fuerza: orden público, subversión y violencia política en la España de la Restauración (1875-1917). Txalaparta. p. 210. ISBN 84-00-07778-4.
  43. ↑ 43.0 43.1 43.2 43.3 43.4 Ferrer Dalmau 1960.
  44. ↑ 44.0 44.1 44.2 44.3 44.4 44.5 44.6 44.7 Ferrer Dalmau 1979.
  45. ↑ "Los partidos políticos durante la II República en Castellón (VII): La comunión tradicionalista". Mediterráneo: 4. 15 de agosto de 1984. {{cite journal}}: |first= missing |last= (help); Check date values in: |date= (help)
  46. ↑ Ramiro Ledesma Ramos: biografía política. Editora Nacional. 1975. p. 192. ISBN 84-276-1298-2. {{cite book}}: |first= missing |last= (help)
  47. ↑ "Los monárquicos que fueron a ver a Mussolini". Libertad Digital. 31 de mayo de 2013. {{cite journal}}: |first= missing |last= (help); Check date values in: |date= (help)
  48. ↑ 48.0 48.1 "Datos para la historia". El Requeté: 3. 1 de febrero de 1939. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  49. ↑ 49.0 49.1 49.2 "Datos para la historia". El Requeté: 4. 1 de enero de 1939. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  50. ↑ 50.0 50.1 "Datos para la historia: La muerte de Sanjurjo". El Requeté: 4. 1 de marzo de 1939. {{cite journal}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  51. ↑ Canal i Morell 2006.
  52. ↑ 52.0 52.1 52.2 52.3 Vázquez de Prada 2016.

 

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